Trump made 30,573 false or misleading claims as president. Nearly half came in his final year.

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And so it went, day after day, week after week, claim after claim, from the most mundane of topics to the most pressing issues.

Over time, Trump unleashed his falsehoods with increasing frequency and ferocity, often by the scores in a single campaign speech or tweetstorm. What began as a relative trickle of misrepresentations, including 10 on his first day and five on the second, built into a torrent through Trump’s final days as he frenetically spread wild theories that the coronavirus pandemic would disappear “like a miracle” and that the presidential election had been stolen — the claim that inspired Trump supporters to attack Congress on Jan. 6 and prompted his second impeachment.



The final tally of Trump’s presidency: 30,573 false or misleading claims — with nearly half coming in his final year.

For more than 10 years, The Fact Checker has assessed the accuracy of claims made by politicians in both parties, and that practice will continue. But Trump, with his unusually flagrant disregard for facts, posed a new challenge, as so many of his claims did not merit full-fledged fact checks. What started as a weekly feature — “What Trump got wrong on Twitter this week” — turned into a project for Trump’s first 100 days. Then, in response to reader requests, the Trump database was maintained for four years, despite the increasing burden of keeping it up.

The database became an untruth tracker for the ages, widely cited around the world as a measuring stick of Trump’s presidency — and as of noon Wednesday it was officially retired.



Whether such a tracker will be necessary for future presidents is unclear. Nonetheless, the impact of Trump’s rhetoric may reverberate for years.

“As a result of Trump’s constant lying through the presidential megaphone, more Americans are skeptical of genuine facts than ever before,” presidential historian Michael Beschloss said.

An assessment of the Fact Checker database shows the dramatic escalation in the rate of Trump’s dishonesty over time. Trump averaged about six claims a day in his first year as president, 16 claims day in his second year, 22 claims day in his third year — and 39 claims a day in his final year. Put another way, it took him 27 months to reach 10,000 claims and another 14 months to reach 20,000. He then exceeded the 30,000 mark less than five months later.

Trump made false claims about just about everything, big and small, so the Fact Checker database provides a window into his obsessions (and the news cycle) at the time. When he felt under siege or in trouble, he responded by trying to craft an alternative reality for his supporters — and to viciously attack his foes. Nearly half of the false claims were communicated at his campaign rallies or via his now-suspended Twitter account.

Claims about immigration spiked just before the 2018 midterm elections, as Trump unsuccessfully tried to keep the House of Representatives in GOP hands with exaggerated claims about “caravans” of undocumented immigrants approaching the border. Then in late 2019 he responded to the uproar over a phone call in which he urged Ukraine’s president to announce an investigation of former vice president Joe Biden with more than 1,000 false and misleading claims on the issue in just four months.



False and misleading claims about the coronavirus pandemic emerged in 2020, so that by year’s end he had made more than 2,500 coronavirus-related claims — more than all of his trade claims over four years, even though trade has been one of the animating features of his presidency. Trump touted phony metrics to claim he successfully defeated the virus, pitched ineffective “cures” and constantly attacked former president Barack Obama for alleged failures, such as leaving a “bare cupboard” of ventilators (there were almost 17,000) and bungling the response to the swine flu pandemic in 2009-2010 (the response was considered a success).

In October, Trump was largely quiet for six days as he recovered from his own bout with covid-19. But even so, he made nearly 4,000 false or misleading claims that month, an average of 150 a day on the days he was not ill.

In speech after speech, he laid the groundwork for challenging the election, making baseless claims of potential election fraud, while attacking Biden as a mental incompetent — and a “grimy, sleazy and corrupt career politician” — who could not possibly emerge as the victor.



“It’s going to be a fraud,” Trump told Sean Hannity of Fox News a month before voters went to the polls. “This is a terrible thing that’s happening to our country.”

After his election defeat, Trump spoke or tweeted about little except to offer lies about a stolen election, even as he or his supporters lost more than 60 court cases as judges repeatedly rejected his claims as bogus. After Nov. 3, he made more than 800 false or misleading claims about election fraud, including 76 times offering some variation of “rigged election.”

At his Jan. 6 speech at the Ellipse, in which he incited the attack on the Capitol, Trump made 107 false or misleading claims, almost all about the election.


The aftermath of what Biden and other Democrats now call the “big lie” hovers over Washington as both parties figure out whether there can be a return to a shared set of facts undergirding national debate, or whether one of the major political parties will remain captive to the sorts of conspiracy theories that marked so many of Trump’s final year of claims.


The events of Trump’s final weeks demonstrated the extent to which his alternate reality became woven into the fabric of the Republican Party, with the majority of GOP lawmakers voting against certifying Biden’s victory even after the pro-Trump mob stormed the Capitol.

One hallmark of Trump’s fibs was his willingness to constantly repeat the same claims, no matter how often they had been debunked. One-fifth of his nearly 2,500 claims about the economy was the same falsehood — that he was responsible for creating the greatest economy in U.S. history. After the coronavirus outbreak tanked the economy, he amped up the rhetoric to say he had created the greatest economy in world history. Neither claim is true; under just about every metric, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lyndon B. Johnson and Bill Clinton had more robust economies during their presidencies. Even before the pandemic, Trump’s economy was already faltering because of his trade wars, with the manufacturing sector in a technical recession.

Nearly 300 times Trump falsely said that he passed the biggest tax cut in history. Even before his tax cut was crafted, he promised that it would be the biggest in U.S. history — bigger than President Ronald Reagan’s in 1981. Reagan’s tax cut amounted to 2.9 percent of the gross domestic product, and none of the proposals under consideration came close to that level. Yet Trump persisted in this fiction even when the tax cut was eventually crafted to be the equivalent of 0.9 percent of the gross domestic product, making it the eighth-largest tax cut in 100 years.



Trump’s penchant for repeating false claims is demonstrated by the fact that the Fact Checker database has recorded about 750 instances in which he has repeated a variation of the same claim at least three times.

The Fact Checker also tracked Three- or Four-Pinocchio claims that Trump has said at least 20 times, earning him a Bottomless Pinocchio. Trump completed his term with 56 of those entries, including three — about the “rigged election,” allegations that Dominion voting machines changed votes and the falsehood that GOP poll watchers were denied access to vote-counting — that only emerged in the final months of his presidency.

The Bottomless Pinocchio list gives a rough approximation of the types of major falsehoods Trump said during his presidency. Roughly 25 percent exaggerated about his accomplishments, and 15 percent misled about his policies. Another 15 percent dissembled about the Russia investigation or the probe into the Ukraine phone call. Roughly 10 percent each were fibs made out of whole cloth, attacks on people he considered foes, falsehoods about the coronavirus, phony claims about the election, or false statements about Biden and his proposals.



As the 2020 election neared, Trump nearly 50 times falsely reassured his supporters that Mexico was footing the $15 billion bill for his barrier along the southern border. U.S. taxpayers are paying, mostly via money Trump diverted from authorized military construction projects. This was perhaps Trump’s most famous campaign promise — during the 2016 campaign, he said more than 200 times that Mexico would pay for the wall — so he simply pretended he had fulfilled it in an effort to reassure his base that he had succeeded.

Many repeated claims just barely missed the cutoff for a Bottomless Pinocchio, such as the claim that he repealed a provision of the U.S. tax code that prohibits religious organizations from endorsing or opposing political candidates. (All he did was issue a toothless executive order, but he obviously thought it was so important to evangelical groups that he falsely claimed he achieved one of their key political objectives.)

Trump rarely abandons his falsehoods, so as he neared the end of his presidency his campaign rallies became longer and longer. Each speech had a familiar pattern. He would cycle through various grievances about the investigation by special counsel Robert S. Mueller III and the impeachment over his Ukraine call. He trashed Obama, various Democrats and of course Biden. He falsely extolled his achievements in trade, foreign policy, the economy and immigration. He offered false assurances about the pandemic and warned darkly about fraud in the upcoming election.



The growth of falsehoods over the course of Trump’s presidency is illustrated by one remarkable statistic.

The Fact Checker team recorded 492 suspect claims in Trump’s first 100 days. Just on Nov. 2, the day before the 2020 election, Trump made 503 false or misleading claims as he barnstormed across the country in a desperate effort to save his presidency.

The database website has a search engine that will quickly locate suspect statements made by Trump. Readers can also isolate claims by time period, subject or venue.

Maintaining the database over four years required detailed examination of every Trump speech, news conference, press gaggle, campaign rally and interview, as well as more than 25,000 tweets. The fact checks of Trump’s statements in the database amount to about 5 million words.

The database includes any statement that might merit two or more Pinocchios under The Fact Checker’s rating scale. Trump often would repeat the same falsehood two or more times in a speech but only one instance of a claim per venue would be counted. The database did not include Facebook posts because they were often duplicative of tweets and likely staff-generated. The tally also generally did not count retweets, except for retweets of false or misleading videos.

Fact-checking Trump’s farewell address

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“We also built the greatest economy in the history of the world. … Powered by these policies, we built the greatest economy in the history of the world.”

This is Trump’s favorite false claim, so there should be no surprise he said it twice. (In our database of Trump’s claims, we only count a falsehood once per venue.)


By just about any key measure in the modern era, presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lyndon B. Johnson and Bill Clinton presided over stronger economic growth than Trump.


Gross domestic product grew at an annual rate of 2.3 percent in 2019, slipping from 2.9 percent in 2018 and 2.4 percent in 2017. But in 1997, 1998 and 1999, GDP grew 4.5 percent, 4.5 percent and 4.7 percent, respectively. Yet even that period paled in comparison with the postwar boom in the 1950s or the 1960s. Growth between 1962 and 1966 ranged from 4.4 percent to 6.6 percent. In 1950 and 1951, it was 8.7 percent and 8 percent, respectively.

Meanwhile, the unemployment rate reached a low of 3.5 percent under Trump, but it dipped as low as 2.5 percent in 1953.


This marks the 493rd time that Trump used a variation of this line, meaning he said it on average every other day.

“All Americans were horrified by the assault on our Capitol. Political violence is an attack on everything we cherish as Americans. It can never be tolerated.”


This statement is not especially credible in light of the president’s actions on Jan. 6. “Trump at first hesitated to tell his supporters to stand down when they stormed the Capitol. He was captivated by the spectacle playing out on live television and entranced by the notion that the rioters were fighting for him, people with knowledge of the events said,” The Washington Post reported. Trump resisted advice from aides to call for an end to the violence. When he finally issued a video that afternoon telling the rioters to “go home,” he also declared his support for them by saying, “We love you.” Then, for several days, Trump refused to lower Americans flags in honor of two U.S. Capitol Police officers who died after the violent riot by his supporters. He finally relented after enormous public pressure.


“Together with millions of hard-working patriots across this land, we built the greatest political movement in the history of our country.”

Trump has been questioned about this claim. The abolitionist movement, the civil rights movement, the women’s suffrage movement, the anti-fascist movement during World War II, the anti-Apartheid movement and the global human rights movement all come to mind, just to name a few. Trump’s case would be stronger had he won the popular vote in 2016 — or was reelected in 2020.


“Our agenda was not about right or left. It wasn’t about Republican or Democrat, but about the good of a nation.”

This is a line that actually never appeared in Trump’s campaign speeches. Instead, he constantly attacked Democrats as a force of evil, so it’s doubtful he really believes this.


“Remember this it’s all Democrat-run cities, radical left Democrats, Democrats,” he said at an Oct. 31 rally. “You look at what’s going on all Democrat-run cities. Republicans have no problems, our cities are doing great.” At a Jan. 4 rally, Trump declared that Democrats will “turn our entire country into one giant sanctuary for criminal aliens, setting loose tens of thousands of dangerous offenders and putting MS-13 gang members straight into your children’s schools.” On Nov. 4, Trump said: “Joe Biden is a globalist who spent 47 years outsourcing your jobs, opening your borders and sacrificing American blood and treasure on ridiculous, endless foreign wars. Most of you have never even heard of some of these countries. … A vote for Biden is a vote to give control of government over to the globalist, communist, socialist, the wealthy, liberal hypocrites who want to silence, censor, cancel and punish you.”


“We passed the largest package of tax cuts and reforms in American history.”

This is Trump’s second-favorite falsehood, and this marks the 295th time he said it.


Even before Trump’s tax cut was crafted, he promised it would be the biggest in U.S. history — bigger than Ronald Reagan’s 1981 tax cut. Reagan’s tax cut amounted to 2.9 percent of gross domestic product, and none of the proposals under consideration came close to that level. Yet Trump persisted in this fiction even when the tax cut was eventually crafted to be the equivalent of 0.9 percent of GDP, making it the eighth-largest tax cut in 100 years.

“We slashed more job-killing regulations than any administration had ever done before.”

Trump may have grounds to brag about his efforts to peel back regulations, but his claim of the most or biggest regulation cuts cannot be easily verified and appears to be false. There is no reliable metric on which to judge this claim — or to compare him with previous presidents. Many experts say the most significant regulatory changes in U.S. history were the deregulation of the airline, rail and trucking industries during the Carter administration, which are estimated to provide consumers with $70 billion in annual benefits.



A detailed November 2020 report by the Penn Program on Regulation concluded that “without exception, each major claim we have uncovered by the President or other White House official about regulation turns out to be exaggerated, misleading, or downright untrue.” The report said the Trump administration had not reduced the overall number of pages from the regulatory code book, and it completed far more regulatory actions than deregulatory ones once the full data are examined.

“We imposed historic and monumental tariffs on China. … Billions and billions of dollars were pouring into the U.S.”

Trump regularly brags that the United States reaps billions of dollars from tariffs he has imposed on other countries, such as China. But tariffs — essentially a tax — are generally paid by importers, such as U.S. companies, who in turn pass on most or all of the costs to consumers or producers who may use Chinese materials in their products. So, ultimately, Americans are footing the bill for Trump’s tariffs, not the Chinese. The president is fooling himself if he thinks otherwise.



Moreover, the China tariff revenue has been greatly reduced by payments — totaling $28 billion — the government has made to farmers who lost business because China stopped buying U.S. soybeans, hogs, cotton and other products in response. Through Jan. 13, 2020, the Trump tariffs have garnered about $75 billion on products from China, according to U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

“We also unlocked our energy resources and became the world’s number one producer of oil and natural gas, by far.”

Trump takes too much credit. The energy boom he’s referring to began during the Obama administration.

The United States has led the world in natural gas production since 2009. Crude oil production has been increasing rapidly since 2010, reaching record levels in August 2018, according to U.S. Energy Information Administration data. In September 2018, the United States passed both Russia and Saudi Arabia to become the largest global crude oil producer. It is expected to hold that position, according to predictions from the International Energy Agency.



“We passed nearly $4 trillion in economic relief; saved or supported over 50 million jobs; and slashed the unemployment rate in half.”

“Fifty million” is a dubious number cooked up by the Trump administration.

In fact, officials told Reuters that the number referred to the total number of workers employed by businesses that were approved for loans under the Paycheck Protection Program.

“The PPP likely did not save 51 million jobs, or anywhere close to it,” Reuters concluded after interviews with economists and an analysis of the program’s data. “Half a dozen economists put the number of jobs saved by the initiative at only a fraction of 51 million — ranging between 1 million and 14 million.”

The Washington Post found some dubious numbers in the data. For instance, the data shows Fire Protection Systems, a sprinkler system installer in Kent, Wash., retained more than 500 jobs using its PPP funds. But the company says it has only 20 employees.


“[I] stood up to Big Pharma in so many ways, but especially in our effort to get ‘favored nations’ clauses added, which will give us the lowest prescription drug prices anywhere in the world.”

In a move widely regarded as a political play seven weeks before the election, Trump announced he had signed an executive order to lower Medicare drug prices through what is known as the “most favored nation policy.”

The mostly toothless order has not been implemented and faces legal roadblocks. It would require pharmaceutical companies to accept much lower payments — an aggressive move that the industry is fighting vociferously.

Trump did not need to issue any executive orders for his administration to start experimenting with new Medicare payments, but he clearly wanted to be able to claim he was doing something on drug prices ahead of the Nov. 3 election.

After the election, Trump announced that the Department of Health and Human Services had issued an “interim final rule,” meaning the administration skipped the normal rulemaking process, which requires weeks to collect public comments.

That could make it difficult for the Biden administration to defend the policy in court if the pharmaceutical industry sues over the rule. In late December, a federal judge issued a nationwide injunction that prevented the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) from carrying out the “most favored nations” rule as scheduled on Jan. 1.

The judge wrote in her temporary order that CMS had failed to follow required procedures for notice and comment before imposing such sweeping changes.

“We passed VA Choice.”

False. The Veterans Access, Choice and Accountability Act was signed by President Barack Obama in 2014, in the wake of the Phoenix VA scandal. The law allows veterans to seek private medical care, with costs covered, in cases where VA wait times exceed a certain period. One of the lead authors was the late Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.).

This is one of Trump’s most insidious falsehoods. Not only did he take more and more credit for the 2014 law as his term progressed, in public remarks, he would often erase the roles that Obama and McCain played. (“McCain didn’t get the job done for our great vets and the VA, and they knew it,” he said in 2019.)

Trump signed the Mission Act in 2018, an update and expansion of the Choice program.

“We appointed nearly 300 federal judges to interpret our Constitution as written for years.”

Trump nominated and the Senate confirmed 226 federal judges, “well below the totals of recent two-term presidents, including Obama (320), George W. Bush (322) and Bill Clinton (367),” according to the Pew Research Center.

“The American people pleaded with Washington to finally secure the nation’s borders. I am pleased to say we answered that plea and achieved the most secure border in U.S. history.”

Unauthorized migration “had been generally declining” from 2000 to 2017, according to a report by the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service. Then it spiked in the latter half of Trump’s term, despite years of harsh rhetoric and draconian measures to stop migrants from entering the United States.

The number of people detained at the southern border by immigration officials began to increase again in 2019 and 2020.

“This includes historic agreements with Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, along with more than 450 miles of powerful, new wall.”

The regional asylum agreements Trump negotiated with these four countries have encountered significant roadblocks in U.S. courts. The Trump administration wanted a system in which asylum applicants no longer were released into the United States while they awaited immigration hearings, but instead remained in Mexico or Guatemala.

Trump’s strict new asylum rules were set to take effect last week, but they were blocked by a federal judge in San Francisco.

At the close of 2020, the Trump administration had built nearly 40 miles of bollard-style fencing where none existed previously on the southern border — a fraction of the 450 miles Trump claimed. The administration also had built 344 miles of fencing to replace run-down barriers that already existed.

“The world respects us again. Please don’t lose that respect.”

Surveys show that in many developed countries, favorable opinions of the United States tanked under Trump, especially regarding the country’s management of the coronavirus.

“For instance, just 41% in the United Kingdom express a favorable opinion of the U.S., the lowest percentage registered in any Pew Research Center survey there,” according to Pew. “In France, only 31% see the U.S. positively, matching the grim ratings from March 2003, at the height of U.S.-France tensions over the Iraq War. Germans give the U.S. particularly low marks on the survey: 26% rate the U.S. favorably, similar to the 25% in the same March 2003 poll.”

“NATO countries are now paying hundreds of billions of dollars more than when I arrived just a few years ago. It was very unfair. We were paying the cost for the world. Now the world is helping us.”

During the 2016 presidential election, Trump consistently inflated the U.S. contribution to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Once he became president, his inaccuracy persisted, but with a twist. Nearly 150 times, he has claimed that “hundreds of billions” of dollars have come into NATO because of his complaints. In this speech, he even suggests this money might be coming to the United States.

Instead, NATO members have increased defense spending as a share of their economies — a process that was started before Trump even announced his candidacy. In terms of direct funding of NATO, the United States paid the largest share — about 22 percent. Germany is second, with about 15 percent, though Trump sought an agreement to make the payments equal.

Trump sometimes suggests NATO members “owe” money to the United States or are “delinquent,” but that is simply not the case. NATO members are supposed to meet a guideline of spending at least 2 percent of their gross domestic product on defense by 2024. He also claims NATO spending was at a low point when he came into office, but that’s also not true. It had fallen after the end of the Cold War but had started rising sharply after 2014, after Russia seized Crimea from Ukraine.

NATO estimates that European NATO and Canada will add $130 billion in cumulative defense spending through 2020, in 2015 dollars, as an increase over 2016 spending. NATO also estimates the cumulative figure will rise to $400 billion through 2024.

“Perhaps most importantly of all, with nearly 3 trillion dollars, we fully rebuilt the American military, all made in the USA.”

This is false. Trump is adding up four fiscal years of military funding, but the money is not all spent, only a portion of it is destined for new equipment and the equipment is not all built. The actual amount spent on military equipment since he became president is much less, about 20 percent of the total. The rest was spent on things like personnel, operations and maintenance, and research and development. Trump’s spending on military equipment is not particularly new or unusual.

“The Abraham Accords opened the doors to a future of peace and harmony, not violence and bloodshed.”

Trump’s reference to “violence and bloodshed” is misleading. Unlike Jordan and Egypt, the Arab and North African nations extending diplomatic recognition to Israel during his presidency have never been at war with the Jewish state. The source of much of the violence remains the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians — an issue that Trump largely ignored. Helping win diplomatic recognition for Israel from Arab states is certainly a noteworthy achievement.

Trump sometimes adds that the deals came with “no cost.” In reality, the Trump administration made a number of deals to coax Middle Eastern and North African leaders into recognizing Israel, such as weapons sales and upending U.S. policy toward the Western Sahara region claimed by Morocco.

“I am especially proud to be the first president in decades who has started no new wars.”

Trump appears to be referring to Jimmy Carter as the last president with no new wars, but this is highly debatable. It depends on whether one counts Obama’s intervention in Syria as a “new war” or an extension of the conflict in Iraq started under George W. Bush. (The Islamic State terrorist group emerged in the aftermath of that war.) Obama did not deploy any troops to Libya when NATO began a campaign there aimed at saving civilians in Benghazi threatened by Libyan government forces. Meanwhile, Trump ramped up commitments in Iraq and Syria initially to fight the Islamic State (while also launching airstrikes on Syria for chemical weapons), added troops in Afghanistan and escalated hostilities with Iran — including the killing of Iranian Gen. Qasem Soleimani. Trump said that strike was carried out in accordance with the Authorization for Use of Military Force resolution of 2001.

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‘Good-looking Marines’: Video misrepresents Biden at inauguration

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(Note: About six hours after this fact check was published, the tweet and the user account associated with it were removed from Twitter.)

Conspiracy theories questioning President Biden’s mental acuity and fitness aren’t new. Yet as the country continues to process the events leading to and proceeding from the Jan. 6 Capitol insurrection that left one police officer and four rioters dead, attempting to deter baseless conspiracy theories becomes a higher-stakes issue.



As the country witnessed Biden being sworn in as the 46th U.S. president, right-wing message boards and QAnon communities started adapting their post-Trump worldview into something that could still fit their narrative — which leads us to the tweet mentioned above.

The tweet, originally posted by the now-defunct Twitter handle @EIElephantes, alleges that Biden is wearing an “earpiece” and receiving orders from an unidentified “someone” to “salute the marines” on his way inside the Capitol. The tweet goes on to allege that Biden simply “repeated the words” said to him via the earpiece, noting that the Marines flanking the Capitol entrance weren’t “saluted” after all.

The tweet earned thousands of retweets and likes. But the video itself doesn’t come close to supporting the conspiratorial accusations.

The Facts

Here’s what we do know about the moment in question. The source for the video featured in the tweet is C-SPAN, which has all its inaugural coverage posted on its site and available to view. It also shows no signs of deceptive editing or further manipulation beyond mislabeling the action on-screen when compared with the original video feed — which The Washington Post used as part of its own live inaugural coverage.

The longer, original video — which shows the same camera angle — also shows the arrival of Biden, his wife, Jill Biden, Vice President-elect Kamala D. Harris (D-Calif.) and her husband, Doug Emhoff, at the Capitol the morning of Jan. 20. As for Biden saying “salute the Marines” as he passed through servicemen that flanked him, it’s just not the case.



After multiple viewings, we’re also able to make the determination that Biden did not utter the phrase “salute the Marines.” Instead, Biden remarked, “Good-looking Marines” as he passed through the Capitol doors.

As for not saluting the troops? A president is commander in chief of all U.S. military forces. No regulation exists stating a president must give out or return a salute. In fact, as pointed out by this 2016 fact check via the Florida Times-Union, presidential salutes are more out of courtesy than protocol. The video also doesn’t show Marines saluting Biden as he made his way through the entrance.

The Pinocchio Test

The tweet is a clear misrepresentation of a moment captured by the live feed on Inauguration Day. It simply does not support the assertions made by the tweet — which aims to propagate an already discredited narrative.

Four Pinocchios

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